By Irene Lee
In this past year alone Burma, otherwise known as Myanmar, has amazed the international community with its efforts in opening up the country in what can be considered as progressive steps towards democracy. Its latest installment of political reforms includes the end of the notorious censorship laws, announced in late August, which require work to be submitted to the state before publication.
However, years of unfulfilled promises by the Burmese government have raised much skepticism over the changes. Nonetheless, from another point-of-view, it can be said that such change is better than no change. So skepticism aside, how has the media landscape in the golden land been transformed?
For one thing, content in the local newspapers has altered significantly. Today, newspapers are splashed with images of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and with regular reports of the prominent opposition leader and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). This is a stark contrast to the previous media environment where authorities were intolerant of any reference to the opposition party, let alone The Lady, as Aung San Suu Kyi is affectionately known by her supporters.
Kyaw Zwa Moe, managing editor of the Irrawaddy magazine, an exiled news organization, tells publichouse.sg that restrictions on reporting on Aung San Suu Kyi and the opposition has relaxed considerably but some issues are still considered sensitive, especially concerning “corruption of the current government officials and the ex-generals, power struggle in the government, and ethnic issues.”
The removal of the censorship cap allows journalists and reporters more freedom but it also calls for self-regulation and judgment in identifying what is deemed treading too far out into the waters. This is mainly due to the 16-clause guideline set out by the government following the removal of the censorship law.
As mentioned by the Democratic Voice of Burma, one such clause disallows “wording that encourages, supports or incites individuals and organizations that are dissident to the state”, while another prohibits “things that will damage ties with other countries.”
Thomas Kean, editor of the English language edition of the Myanmar Times, a local newspaper, explains, “While the government has given us a set of 16 rules to abide by, they are very general and it will be up to editors and journalists to identify what the limits are during this transition period until the new publishing law is promulgated and comes into effect.”
On the 10th September, The Irrawaddy reported that Burma’s Information Minister, Aung Kyi, has welcomed local journalists and editors to participate in the drafting of the new press law, which could come into effect next year.
In any case, the progression of the media scene has affected the practice of news organizations and this is particularly seen in exiled media organizations where many journalists are no longer blacklisted or have the fear of being prosecuted.
“In the past year, people in Burma are more willing to talk to the press and the exiled media groups. Irrawaddy was also allowed to visit the country to gather information and report,” says Moe.
“I managed to interview many people, including opposition (members) and activists groups as well as leading members of the ruling party, Union Solidarity and Development Party. So, it's good for us exiled media to directly access sources inside Burma.”
One concern over the media however is the need to reinforce better journalistic ethical standards. There is very little training or the understanding of these journalistic standards and thus, the only option is perhaps to learn through experience.
As Kean puts it, “Some of these concerns should be addressed by improving access to training for current and future journalists. At present, there is very little training available, particularly on topics such as ethics and media-related laws, and journalists are forced to learn on the job.”
Moe, on the other hand, feels that the relaxation of the rules for the press presents a perfect opportunity for journalists to improve.
“Good journalism was killed by the five-decades long dictatorial rule,” he says.
“To rebuild good and professional journalism, the country does need freedom of the press, which will create a perfect environment for Burmese journalists to improve their skills and professionalism.”
The removal of the censorship law also provides insight into the type of media Burma will aim towards. Mr Thiha Saw, vice president of the Myanmar Journalist Association, said to The New York Times, “We won’t be as free as the Philippine press or the Thai press, but we will be much more liberal than Cambodia, Vietnam or Singapore.”
Kean says, “U Thiha Saw is being realistic here and saying what is possible in the short to medium term. It's extremely unlikely that we'll quickly transition to a relatively free press of the kind you might find in western countries.”
Moe feels that the most important direction the country’s media should head towards is one that is free from two types of people - the censor and the censored.
“We believe,” he says, “that a country with press freedom will help build democracy, prosperity and pluralism in the country.”
Aung San Suu Kyi has regularly reiterated the need for “cautious optimism” about the opening up of her country. It may thus be too early to see if Burma on the whole is on track to full democracy and in particular a freer press.
As Kean says, “The Ministry of Information has said it will submit a new print media law to parliament later this year and we are hopeful that (that) will be a positive step for the industry and for press freedom.”